Hamas, the Islamist faction behind most of the attacks on Israel over the last five years, looks to the ballot box next week to increase its influence on the future direction of Palestinian policy.
Reversing a decade's boycott of mainstream politics, since rejecting the 1993 Oslo autonomy accords with Israel that gave rise to the Palestinian Authority, Hamas stands at a crossroads between armed conflict and civil politics.
Hamas's decision to contest the second ever Palestinian legislative vote marks the end of years on the political fringes and the start of a move to spread its powerbase in a society increasingly weary of violence.
On the campaign trial, the faction has championed a manifesto to "change and reform" every detail of Palestinian life from the moribund economy to security chaos, perhaps the most pressing problem facing the Palestinian Authority.
"It won't be difficult for Hamas because members of the Palestinian security are responsible for the security chaos. We want to reorganise all Palestinian security services," said a spokesman for the movement, Mushir al-Masri.
"Hamas has credibility because Hamas acts before Hamas speaks."
Yet critics have accused Hamas of ambiguity over whether it will negotiate with Israel, wondering how on earth it can work with a Jewish state it does not recognise and vows to destroy.
Classified as a terrorist outfit in Europe and the United States, it also remains unclear how Hamas would fare with international relations, crucially important given the precarious Palestinian finances dependent on foreign aid.
Masri highlights the movement's "good relations and continuous dialogue with presidents and kings of Muslim and Arab countries".
He also alludes to behind-the-scenes indications that the European Union, the principal source of financial aid to the Palestinian Authority, would not expunge all loans should Hamas come to power.
With Syria and Iran the principal powers believed to be bankrolling Hamas, the prospect of burgeoning ties between an empowered Hamas and arch-enemies of the Jewish state raises the prospect of increased Middle East instability.
Yet a series of wins in municipal elections have proved Hamas a capable administrator, at least no worse than the corrupt and crisis-ridden Fatah.
It has fostered a groundswell of support among the working class through charity work, providing a crutch to those impoverished and victimised by violence during the last five years of the Palestinian uprising.
Yet Israeli assassination operations have decimated its military leadership, leaving Hamas divided between powerful money-raisers abroad, sometimes at odds with the depleted command in its Gaza stronghold.
Their brand of Islamist fundamentalism has alienated secularists, inspiring loathing among women fearful of an introduction of forced Sharia law.
Pouring over the latest opinion polls, Gaza university sociologist Gahad Hamed expects to see the emergence of a Fatah-Hamas ruling coalition after the vote next Wednesday.
"The advantages are that we will see some new faces and it will reduce the level of tension and violence between two stubborn opponents, Israel and the militants of Hamas," he said.
Yet in the medium- to long-term he does not see the Islamists as providing the answers where moderates in the ruling Fatah party failed.
"I don't believe Hamas has the answer to the Palestinian national issue. People see it as embodying Palestinian national demands but now will they be dealing with Israel and they won't gain from negotiations with Israel."
Echoing chief Hamas candidate, Ismail Haniya, Masri admits talks with Israel "are not part of our agenda" although he says the party is willing to deal with the Jewish state on technical matters such as health, food and water.
"For the first few months or year I don't think they'll be able to sit at the same table with Israel and talk about the refugee issue or withdrawals from the West Bank," said Hamed.
"There will be a huge problem in dealing with Israel and I expect they will use Fatah or other parties," he said.
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